This weekend, the Egyptian army and police were once again clashing with protesters in Tahrir Square over the potential for a democratic Egypt. Reforms that promised to make the government a representative one have been delayed, and any parliament will—for the foreseeable future—have no power not delegated to it by the military.
And although Silvio Berlusconi has been my favorite politician to hate for quite some time, and I think Italians will be better off without him, I cannot help but question what his departure says for democracy in Italy. He seemed forced out more by international pressure via the European Union (particularly Germany and France) and the IMF than by Italians themselves, at least initially. And the imposition of new economic laws—in some cases, like those on the privatization of water rights, in direct opposition to recent popular will—is clearly not something the populace is in favor of.
A hop, skip, and jump across the Ionian Sea in Greece, similar complaints abound. In order to receive financial help, the Greeks had to essentially cede their economic sovereignty with regards to their fiscal overlords. The new government has decided to accept an offered deal—no matter the chains attached—regardless of its unpopularity. And they did so after backing down from one plan that would have given the Greeks a chance to show its unpopularity at the polls. The money was more important that the will of the people, it seems.
Democratic will matters less here in the home of the free and the brave as well. For example, in response to cities in financial crisis because of the recession, my home state of Michigan passed a law allowing the governor to dissolve city governments and install their own leaders to run things. To hell with who the citizens voted for!
Times are tough. When everything seems to be falling apart, I see why some people don’t like the mess that is democracy. It is indecisive and then schizophrenic when choices actually are made. So it’s tempting to just say, “Hey—leave this one to the professionals,” especially in the latter three instances where alternate decision makers can have incredible legitimacy (the Egyptian military might not be quite on that level).
But those people who value democracy don’t do so for results. We don’t assume that “the people” will make the right decision every time. But we recognize that the best way for governments to maintain legitimacy in the eyes of the demos, and for us to feel free, the choices do have to be ours—right or wrong.
Sometimes there will be situation like Greece’s, and institutions should choose to help or not. But if they do, they should not try and substitute their wants for those of the Greek people. Democratic legitimacy is too high a price to pay for a bailout. Leaders (military, political, and economic) need to remember that democracy is the template they need to work within, regardless of the inconvenience.
